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REGION: A RESURGENT JAMAAT IN BANGLADESH

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Ramesh Chandra, 44, from Gopalganj district in Bangladesh’s southwest, 127 kilometres from the capital Dhaka, has been making sculptures for over two decades. He is a voter in the Gopalganj-3 constituency, from where former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was elected for eight consecutive terms. Chandra has long supported Hasina’s Awami League.

But this time, the situation is different. Following the mass student-led uprising on August 5, 2024, Sheikh Hasina fled to India. On May 10, 2025, the interim government, headed by Nobel Peace Prize laureate Muhammad Yunus, banned the political activities of the Awami League and all its affiliates, under the Anti-Terrorism Act.

The International Crimes Tribunal (ICT) in Bangladesh, a domestic judicial body founded by Hasina in 2010, is currently prosecuting Awami League leaders for “genocide” and “crimes against humanity”, related to the 2024 movement. Ironically, the same tribunal sentenced Hasina to death for ordering a crackdown on the 2024 protesters.

Previously, the tribunal had awarded death sentences to several Jamaat-i-Islami leaders for ‘war crimes’ during the 1971 war and supporting Pakistan, resulting in the execution of Jamaat leader Ali Ahsan Mujahid in 2015 and Jamaat chief Motiur Rahman Nizami in 2016.

Once banned and vilified in Bangladesh, the Jamaat-i-Islami is now polling neck-and-neck with the country’s mainstream opposition. As the country prepares for its first election since the 2024 uprising, voters disillusioned with corruption are turning to an unexpected alternative…

The current government has stated that the Awami League will not be able to resume political activities until the trial is completed. As a result, the Awami League will not participate in the upcoming February 12 elections, the first national polls since the mass uprising. Despite being banned, the Awami League is campaigning against the polls on social media.

When asked if he would be voting this time, Chandra tells Eos, “Why wouldn’t I vote? I will vote and, this time, I will vote for the Jamaat. Everyone has had a chance. This time, Jamaat should be given a chance,” he continues. “Besides, none of them [Jamaat leaders] engage in corruption and extortion,” he claims.

Like Chandra, many other voters are now also leaning towards the Jamaat-i-Islami, reflecting a broader electoral transformation sweeping Bangladesh.

A SURGING POLITICAL FORCE

A December survey by the US-based International Republican Institute (IRI) showed 30 percent of voters backing the party of the late former PM Khaleda Zia, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP); 26 percent supporting the Jamaat-i-Islami; and six percent supporting the National Citizen Party (NCP), formed by student activists involved in the August 2024 popular uprising.

Another mid-January joint poll by Projection BD, IILD, Jagoron Foundation and NarratiV indicates a tighter race, with BNP at 34.7 percent, Jamaat close behind at 33.6 percent and NCP at 7.1 percent. It’s a remarkable turnaround for both the leading parties, whose leaders had been incarcerated and executed and particularly for the Jamaat, which was banned under the Sheikh Hasina regime.

Analysts say the Jamaat is competing closely with the BNP due to growing public dissatisfaction with corruption and extortion at the grassroots level, following the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government. Jamaat has sought to capitalise on this sentiment by presenting itself as a disciplined alternative. Its initiatives, including digital tools to track extortion complaints and monitor government spending, have drawn widespread attention.

The party’s rising popularity among young voters is also evident. According to Election Commission data from November 2025, Bangladesh has around 127.7 million registered voters, including roughly 45 million aged 18 to 35. In recent student union elections at several universities, including Dhaka University, the Jamaat’s student wing, the Islami Chhatra Shibir, won decisively across contested positions, while the BNP-backed Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal failed to secure any significant posts. Many experts believe the student parliament elections could influence the next national polls, though others disagree.

The Jamaat-i-Islami has formed an 11-party electoral alliance for the upcoming elections, including with the NCP, the student-led party. With the Awami League absent, the BNP and the Jamaat-led coalition are poised to be the main contenders.

Nahid Islam, convener of the NCP, tells Eos that the alliance is electoral rather than ideological. “Our political views differ from those of Jamaat-i-Islami, but we align on reform, justice and anti-corruption agendas,” he says. “That is why we formed this alliance.”

Islam is confident that their 11-party coalition will get the votes. “If given the chance to form the government, decisions will be made on common principles and will not be dominated by any single party,” he adds.

The JI chief, or ameer, Dr Shafiqur Rahman tells Eos that his party is receiving “overwhelming support” from across the country, citing independent surveys by, what he termed, credible pollsters.

Dr Rahman says that, since the official campaign began on January 22, he has travelled to nearly half of Bangladesh, visiting more than two dozen districts and addressing around 100 public rallies. “At each rally, the crowds were overwhelming,” he says, claiming that large numbers of supporters had turned out in favour of Jamaat candidates. “The country has not witnessed such political euphoria in more than two and a half decades,” believes Dr Rahman.

According to political analysts, the upcoming election, held after the 2024 popular uprising, could be the most important in the party’s history, with it potentially winning more seats than ever before.

Last month, The Washington Post reported that US diplomats were seeking closer engagement with the Jamaat, expecting it to perform strongly. The publication said it has audio recordings that reveal a US diplomat describing the Jamaat as a potential “friend” and stating that it cannot impose Sharia-rule in the country due to Western economic pressure.

The prospect of a Jamaat-led government has raised concerns in India, Bangladesh’s largest neighbour and Sheikh Hasina’s longtime ally. New Delhi views the Jamaat as pro-Pakistan, citing the party’s opposition to Bangladesh’s 1971 war that led to the country’s creation and alleged historical ties to Islamabad. Indian officials worry that the Jamaat coming to power could reorient Bangladesh’s traditionally India-friendly foreign policy.

BNP supporters gather for a rally ahead of the upcoming national election, in Sylhet on Jan 22, 2026
BNP supporters gather for a rally ahead of the upcoming national election, in Sylhet on Jan 22, 2026

THE QUESTION OF CAPABILITY

Jamaat chief Dr Rahman is confident that his party is ready to govern. “If Allah wills it and the people give us the mandate on February 12, we are ready,” he tells Eos. “Over the past half-century, Jamaat has built a talented and honest pool of leaders, capable of managing every sector.”

He recalled the 2001 BNP-Jamaat alliance government, noting that ministers such as Motiur Rahman Nizami and Ali Ahsan Mujahid efficiently managed key portfolios, introduced programmes that boosted employment, utilised taxpayers’ money for development, and rooted out corruption.

“Now, after more than 20 years, we are even more confident our leaders will govern effectively across all ministries,” Dr Rahman adds.

Dr Rahman’s thoughts are echoed by one of his party candidates, lawyer Mohammad Shishir Monir. “I alone am capable of running 10 ministries,” he tells Eos. “We have dozens more in our party like me, who are capable of running the country.”

However, Dhaka University professor and political analyst Dr Mohammad Siddiqur Rahman Khan says that, while Jamaat had some experience in the BNP government from 2001 to 2006, they lack the experience of administration and running the government.

Dilara Chowdhury, a former professor and political analyst at Jahangirnagar University, points out that capability and honesty matter more than experience when it comes to running the country. “Currently, Jamaat has more educated and qualified people in its ranks than other parties,” she adds.

An analysis of candidates’ affidavits by Bengali-language daily Prothom Alo shows that, of the 224 candidates contesting under the JI’s scales symbol, 201 are highly educated, including 10 with PhD degrees.

Among the 287 BNP candidates contesting under the rice sheaf symbol, 229 are highly educated, including eight PhDs. The analysis indicates that the percentage of highly educated and PhD-holding candidates among Jamaat’s ranks is slightly higher than that of the BNP.

THE ELEPHANT IN THE ROOM

Jamaat-i-Islami chief Dr Rahman says the party’s goal is to establish a country based on insaaf [justice], where the majority are not ruled by a chosen few, public wealth is not plundered and no one remains above the law. “Is this not the basic tenet of a model Islamic society?,” he asks. “Is this not the demand of Gen Z, who overthrew a corrupt and fascist regime?”

Dr Rahman emphasises that Bangladesh’s multicultural and multi-ethnic population would continue to enjoy equal rights as enshrined in the constitution. “We believe in the rule of law, transparency, accountability, democracy and shura [consultation],” he says. “These principles are already embedded in our constitution and we do not view them as contradictory to Islamic values. You may call it ‘Sharia’ or any other name.”

Dr Rahman adds that any elements contradicting Islamic principles would be addressed through parliament, not by force. “Our opponents often use scare tactics, suggesting that ‘Sharia law’ would force women into strict dress codes or deny them education or careers,” he continues. “We have repeatedly clarified that no such measures will be enforced. Women will enjoy equity and fairness in all spheres of life,” Dr Rahman asserts.

The party chief also addresses concerns over a Jamaat-led government’s adherence to national laws and UN human rights standards. “As a democratic party that has participated in every election since its inception, no one can deny that Jamaat-i-Islami is committed to the people’s mandate,” he says.

Dr Rahman adds that the party sees democratic nations in the West and East as strategic partners and aims to build a stable, pluralistic society based on freedom of expression, rule of law, equity and justice.

The Jamaat chief also points out that, despite attempts by the previous Awami League government to portray the Jamaat as militant, “they were never able to produce a single piece of evidence of Jamaat leaders or workers being involved in terrorism.”

Bangladesh's Jamaat-i-Islami supporters shout slogans during a campaign rally in Mirpur on January 22, 2026 | AFP
Bangladesh’s Jamaat-i-Islami supporters shout slogans during a campaign rally in Mirpur on January 22, 2026 | AFP

FROM PARIAH TO CONTENDER

The Jamaat-i-Islami was founded in 1941 in Lahore, British India, by Islamist scholar Abul Ala Maududi. The party advocates Islam as the foundation for the state and society. During the 1971 war, JI opposed Bangladesh’s independence, and its leaders were accused of collaborating with the Pakistani army and committing war crimes. The party was banned after independence, but the ban was lifted following political changes in 1975, and it returned to politics in 1979.

The Jamaat won 18 seats in the 1991 elections, three in 1996, 17 in 2001, and two in 2008 — a modest to poor showing in previous elections. A high court cancelled the party’s registration in 2013, while JI also boycotted the 2014 elections. In 2018, with the party still declared illegal, some of its candidates ran under BNP tickets while others contested as independents. The party remained ineligible for the 2024 election, with the ban only overturned after Hasina’s ouster.

Dr Rahman, its chief, attributes the party’s growing current support to greater public exposure after the student-led July 2024 revolution and wider social media visibility, following decades of what he called “unfair” media portrayal.

Dr Rahman thinks that the party’s suffering under the previous government, including the execution of its leaders and the imprisonment of its members, has earned it public sympathy. Unlike other parties, he claims, the Jamaat has avoided revenge or corruption. Instead, he says, the Jamaat cooperated with the interim government and the judiciary following Hasina’s ouster, demonstrating moral integrity that has won the party public support.

Analysts say another key factor is public frustration with corruption and extortion involving BNP leaders and activists, while the Jamaat has relatively avoided such allegations.

“People are fed up with BNP leaders and activists because of extortion,” says analyst Dilara Chowdhury. She adds that corruption and extortion lie at the root of most crises in Bangladesh and effective curbs could significantly reduce the country’s problems.

Dr Khan of Dhaka University says that, with the marginalisation of the Awami League, the Jamaat has emerged as an alternative for some voters. “Public sympathy for the Jamaat has increased to some extent due to repression over the past 15 years,” he tells Eos.

Like the Jamaat, the BNP is also campaigning on an anti-corruption platform. Speaking at a rally in Chittagong on January 25, BNP Chairman Tarique Rahman said the party would crack down on corruption if elected. Analyst Dilara Chowdhury points out, however, that the public has greater trust in the Jamaat than the BNP on corruption. “During BNP’s time in power from 2001 to 2006, corruption was not reduced. That is why many people do not trust the BNP,” she adds.

The Jamaat has also announced plans to launch a mobile app aimed at tackling extortion. At a recent election rally in Dhaka, Dr Rahman revealed that the app would allow individuals to anonymously file complaints against extortionists.

By contrast, since August 5, 2024, numerous BNP leaders and activists have been implicated in cases relating to extortion and other allegations. Following media reports, the party expelled several thousand members. On September 18, 2025, BNP chairman Tarique Rahman said organisational action had been taken against more than 7,000 party members in response to various allegations.

Analysts also point to internal conflict within BNP, which they say has not been evident within Jamaat. According to an October 2025 report by Dhaka-based Human Rights Support Society (HRSS), at least 85 people were killed and 5,017 were injured in internal BNP clashes between September 2024 and September 2025.

Another factor behind the JI’s growing popularity is the party’s charitable activities, including welfare and social assistance programmes. Through disaster relief, financial support for low-income families, and educational and medical assistance, the party has expanded its engagement at the local level. In addition, institutions associated with the Jamaat, including banks, hospitals, coaching centres, schools and colleges, have helped create employment opportunities for party workers and supporters, while also providing education and healthcare services to the wider public.

It is no surprise, then, that voters such as Gopalganj’s Ramesh Chandra are planning to stamp their vote on the scales symbol in the upcoming elections. But whether the Jamaat can translate polling numbers into actual seats, navigate coalition politics and govern a diverse nation of 170 million remains to be seen.

What is certain is that the February 12 elections will reshape Bangladesh’s political landscape in ways unimaginable just 18 months ago — when Hasina still ruled and Jamaat was still fighting for political survival. For a party that opposed the country’s founding, the possibility of now leading it represents perhaps the most dramatic political reversal in Bangladesh’s history.

The writer is a Bangladeshi investigative journalist whose work has appeared in various publications, including
The New York Times, Reuters and AFP.
He can be contacted at marufhasan57983@gmail.com. X: @the_MarufHasan

Published in Dawn, EOS, February 8th, 2026



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SMOKERS’ CORNER: MONSTERS AND THEIR BLOWBACK

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Pakistan serves as a pre-eminent case study of a state creating a ‘Frankenstein’s monster’ by funding and facilitating proxies to destabilise a neighbour. Throughout the 1980s, acting at the behest of the United States and Saudi Arabia, the Pakistani state recruited, trained and armed various Islamist Afghan groups to combat Soviet forces occupying Afghanistan.

Once the Soviet forces withdrew in 1989, the victorious proxies failed to reach an amicable power-sharing agreement and began fighting amongst themselves. Desperate to maintain a stake in the region, Pakistan helped mould an even more extreme force, the Taliban, who won decisive battles against rival factions to install a stringent Islamist regime by 1996 in Afghanistan.

While the Pakistani state believed it had successfully installed a government beneficial to its strategic geopolitical interests, the internal fallout of this involvement had already commenced. A decade of establishing recruitment centres where young men were indoctrinated and trained in guerrilla warfare eventually backfired.

These proxy militants turned their guns against the Pakistani state, forming groups such as the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) to demand the enforcement of Sharia law and the creation of a ‘Greater Afghanistan’ that included Pakistan’s own Pakhtun-majority areas.

From Afghan militancy in the 1980s and 1990s to the Middle East’s sectarian militias and from Africa to Balochistan, modern history is filled with states that created violent proxies, only for them to become existential threats to themselves

For the next two decades, anti-state groups comprising former proxies and their Pakistani allies unleashed waves of brutal attacks across the country. By the time the state fully grasped the devastating consequences of the strategy it had initiated in the 1980s, over 80,000 Pakistani soldiers, police personnel, politicians and civilians had been killed.

This ongoing conflict underscores a devastating strategic reversal, where proxies, once cultivated as a shield for regional interests, became an existential threat, sustained by the very forces Pakistan helped bring to power.

This is but just one example of how proxies often become a problem for their own creators, a phenomenon frequently described as ‘blowback’. History is littered with instances where short-term tactical gains through third party actors led to long-term domestic catastrophes.

In 2009, the American journalist Andrew Higgins wrote that Israel’s early, indirect encouragement of Islamist elements in the Palestinian territories as a counterweight to Yasser Arafat’s secular Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO), contributed to the rise of Hamas, which later became Israel’s most formidable local adversary.

These cases demonstrate a recurring geopolitical truth, that when a state breathes life into a proxy, it loses the ability to control the monster’s appetite once the original mission is over. This loss of control often transforms a strategic asset into a primary security threat, as Iraq experienced following the 2003 US invasion. The initial support provided by regional powers such as Syria, Saudi Arabia and Iran to sectarian militias in Iraq eventually resulted in the birth of the Islamic State (ISIS).

In his book ISIS: A History, Lebanese-American academic Fawaz Gerges writes that many of the fighters who formed the backbone of ISIS were seasoned by years of proxy warfare, eventually turning their sights not just on Western targets, but on the regional states that had once turned a blind eye to their radicalisation.

According to British academic Dr Alex Vines, Apartheid-era South Africa funded and trained rebels in Mozambique to destabilise that country. While the rebels successfully crippled Mozambique’s infrastructure, the resulting chaos created a massive refugee crisis and a thriving black market in small arms that flooded back across South African borders, fuelling a rise in violent crime and instability that persisted long after the official conflict ended.

In his book Proxy Warfare, the British political scientist Andrew Mumford writes that the danger of creating proxies lies in the inherent paradox of attempting to outsource national security to autonomous actors, whose interests only temporarily align with those of the sponsor.

According to the American political scientist Tyrone Groh, while states often view these groups as cost-effective tools for projectable power and plausible deniability, they frequently ignore the reality that a proxy is not a precision-guided weapon but a sentient political entity with its own evolving ambitions.

As a conflict progresses, the proxy inevitably seeks to shed its dependence on its creator, often utilising the training, funding and ideological fervour it was gifted by its facilitator to pursue an independent and frequently contradictory agenda. This transforms a strategic asset into a domestic liability, a phenomenon that forces the original sponsor to expend even greater resources to contain the radicalism or violence it once actively cultivated.

Despite the overwhelming historical evidence that proxies eventually turn on their creators, the allure of low-cost, deniable warfare remains irresistible to modern states. According to Mumford, this persistence suggests that, for many governments, the immediate tactical advantages — such as bleeding a rival — outweighs the potential for long-term domestic catastrophe.

Contemporary geopolitics has seen the rise of new sponsors who have adopted these risky strategies with varying degrees of success and instability. India has frequently been accused of utilising proxy groups to maintain leverage in its complex regional environment. More recently, scholarship has examined the manner in which India is leveraging Baloch separatist groups in Pakistan to destabilise its western frontier.

The Baloch separatist Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA), as well as the Islamist TTP, have increasingly been identified by Pakistani authorities and some regional analysts as instruments of Indian strategic interest. The discourse surrounding their Indian-proxy status has intensified following significant escalations in 2025 and 2026.

Perhaps more surprisingly, the UAE has emerged as a significant sponsor of third party actors to project power far beyond its small geographic footprint. According to the conflict analyst Emadeddin Badi, during the Libyan civil war, the UAE provided extensive military support, drone strikes, and funding to Gen Khalifa Haftar’s Libyan National Army (LNA).

According to the researcher Peter Salisbury, in Yemen, the UAE trained and equipped the Southern Transitional Council (STC), a separatist militia that eventually staged military takeovers of key governorates, often clashing with the interests of the UAE’s own coalition partner, Saudi Arabia. UAE has also faced international scrutiny for its alleged role in fuelling the civil war in Sudan by supplying the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) with weapons and logistics, a strategy that has contributed to a massive humanitarian crisis and a surge in regional instability.

According to Groh, the continued reliance on this strategy by states confirms a grim geopolitical truth: the “Frankenstein” lesson is often ignored in favour of immediate strategic depth.

Even as nations witness blowback around the world, the temptation to use proxies as a ‘surgical’ tool for regional dominance remains a primary feature of modern statecraft, despite the near-certainty of future complications.

Published in Dawn, EOS, February 8th, 2026



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ADVICE: AUNTIE AGNI

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Dear Auntie,
I am 18 years old and my family is forcing me to quit my studies and help my father in the family business. This has left me depressed. I want to become an engineer and I am currently preparing for the engineering college admission test (ECAT). My dream is to get admission in COMSATS University Islamabad.

But my family is demotivating me, saying I will not get admission in any university and that I should just join our family business. I have argued with them about it so many times but I can’t win.
Dreaming Under Pressure

‘My Parents Want Me To Give Up On My Dreams’

Dear Dreaming Under Pressure,
What your family is doing obviously feels suffocating to you. The thing is that when the people who you expect will always back you (ie family) start predicting that you will fail, it can mess with your head. You can start doubting your own dreams and capabilities. However, that only means that you are human.

But you are not alone. Being pressured to join a family business is common, as is having your ambition trivialised or dismissed. However, despite facing opposition, some people still go on to become engineers… and so, that is also common.

Right now, your family is speaking from a place of fear, not facts. They are probably thinking, “What if he fails?” and they also probably think that the family business is something that is guaranteed. Whereas you are probably thinking, “What if I never try?” This last fear is the one that can end up following you for the rest of your life.

At 18, most people’s life direction gets decided. If you give up now just to avoid arguments, you won’t be at peace. You’ll likely end up feeling resentful. And simmering resentment is not good for anyone’s family business.

On the flip side, if we are being honest, shouting matches between you and your parents won’t help you win this. You cannot defeat your parents with your emotions. You need to think this through… calmly.

So, firstly, stop arguing in a dramatic way and start talking to them like someone who has thought this through. Show them the dates for your ECAT and the entry test schedules. Share college fee structures, any scholarships you want to try for and your back-up universities. Talk to your parents and tell them to give you one year in which, if you don’t get admission, you will reconsider joining the family business. Parents understand when you talk about solid plans rather than when you cry about not being able to live your dreams.

And helping out and getting involved in the family business for some time does not have to mean that you will have to leave your studies. Many people study while handling work responsibilities. It might be difficult, but it is not impossible.

You are feeling depressed because you feel trapped. The way to deal with that feeling is to take control where you can. So, start putting together daily study goals and a schedule for ECAT prep. Do practice tests. When you take action, it reduces your feelings of helplessness.

Remember that your family doubting your capabilities does not predict your future. Many engineers, doctors and professionals were told that they won’t get in. Treat those doubts as noise, not your prophecy.

You are not asking your parents for money to party and waste your life. On the contrary, you are asking for professional education, which is a legitimate request. So, approach your parents calmly and with a plan. I wish you the best of luck.

Disclaimer: If you or someone you know is in crisis and/or feeling suicidal, please go to your nearest emergency room and seek medical help immediately.

Auntie will not reply privately to any query. Please send concise queries to: auntieagni@gmail.com

Published in Dawn, EOS, February 8th, 2026



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LIFESTYLE: PUTTING A SOCK IN IT

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It’s pretty normal to wear the same pair of jeans, a jumper or even a t-shirt more than once. But what about your socks? If you knew what really lived in your socks after even one day of wearing, you might just think twice about doing it.

Our feet are home to a microscopic rainforest of bacteria and fungi — typically containing up to 1,000 different bacterial and fungal species. The foot also has a more diverse range of fungi living on it than any other region of the human body. The foot skin also contains one of the highest amount of sweat glands in the human body.

Most foot bacteria and fungi prefer to live in the warm, moist areas between your toes, where they dine on the nutrients within your sweat and dead skin cells. The waste products produced by these microbes are the reason why feet, socks and shoes can become smelly.

For instance, the bacteria Staphylococcal hominis produces an alcohol from the sweat it consumes that makes a rotten onion smell. Staphylococcus epidermis, on the other hand, produces a compound that has a cheese smell. Corynebacterium, another member of the foot microbiome, creates an acid which is described as having a goat-like smell.

Can you wear the same pair of socks more than once?

The more our feet sweat, the more nutrients available for the foot’s bacteria to eat and the stronger the odour will be. As socks can trap sweat in, this creates an even more optimal environment for odour-producing bacteria. And these bacteria can survive on fabric for months. For instance, bacteria can survive on cotton for up to 90 days. So, if you re-wear unwashed socks, you’re only allowing more bacteria to grow and thrive.

The types of microbes resident in your socks don’t just include those that normally call the foot microbiome home. They also include microbes that come from the surrounding environment — such as your floors at home or in the gym or even the ground outside.

In a study which looked at the microbial content of clothing that had only been worn once, socks had the highest microbial count compared to other types of clothing. Socks had between eight to nine million bacteria per sample, while t-shirts only had around 83,000 bacteria per sample.

Species profiling of socks shows they harbour both harmless skin bacteria, as well as potential pathogens such as Aspergillus, Candida and Cryptococcus, which can cause respiratory and gut infections.

The microbes living in your socks can also transfer to any surface they come in contact with — including your shoes, bed, couch or floor. This means dirty socks could spread the fungus which causes Athlete’s foot, a contagious infection that affects the skin on and around the toes.

This is why it’s especially key that those with Athlete’s foot don’t share socks or shoes with other people, and avoid walking in just their socks or barefoot in gym locker rooms or bathrooms.

What’s living in your socks also colonises your shoes. This is why you might not want to wear the same pair of shoes for too many days in a row, so any sweat has time to fully dry between wears and to prevent further bacterial growth and odours.

Foot hygiene

To cut down on smelly feet and reduce the number of bacteria growing on your feet and in your socks, it’s a good idea to avoid wearing socks or shoes that make the feet sweat.

Washing your feet twice daily may help reduce foot odour by inhibiting bacterial growth. Foot antiperspirants can also help, as these stop the sweat — thereby inhibiting bacterial growth.

It’s also possible to buy socks which are directly antimicrobial to the foot bacteria. Antimicrobial socks, which contain heavy metals such as silver or zinc, can kill the bacteria which cause foot odour. Bamboo socks allow more air flow, which means sweat more readily evaporates — making the environment less hospitable for odour-producing bacteria.

Antimicrobial socks might therefore be exempt from the single-use rule, depending on their capacity to kill bacteria and fungi, and prevent sweat accumulation.

But for those who wear socks that are made out of cotton, wool or synthetic fibres, it’s best to only wear them once to prevent smelly feet and avoid foot infections.

It’s also important to make sure you’re washing your socks properly between uses. If your feet aren’t unusually smelly, it’s fine to wash them in warm water that’s between 30-40 degrees Celsius with a mild detergent. However, not all bacteria and fungi will be killed using this method. So to thoroughly sanitise socks, use an enzyme-containing detergent and wash at a temperature of 60 degrees Celsius. The enzymes help to detach microbes from the socks while the high temperature kills them.

If a low temperature wash is unavoidable, then ironing the socks with a hot steam iron (which can reach temperatures of up to 180-220 degrees Celsius) is more than enough to kill any residual bacteria and inactivate the spores of any fungi — including the one that causes Athlete’s foot.

Drying the socks outdoors is also a good idea, as the  UV radiation in sunlight is antimicrobial to most sock bacteria and fungi.

While socks might be a commonly re-worn clothing item, as a microbiologist, I’d say it’s best you change your socks daily, to keep feet fresh and clean.

The writer is Senior Lecturer in Clinical Microbiology at the University of Leicester in the UK

Republished from The Conversation

Published in Dawn, EOS, February 8th, 2026



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