Magazines
SMOKERS’ CORNER: POWER AND POPULARITY – Newspaper
The common assumption that a popular politician is naturally a powerful one reflects a persistent misunderstanding of how contemporary political systems function. High poll numbers, large rallies and dominant social media metrics are frequently misinterpreted as a mandate that allows a leader to govern as they please.
Political science demonstrates that this is often an illusion. Being liked by the public is what political theorists call a “soft asset”, because it frequently fails when it collides with the realities of how government actually operates.
As the American political scientist Robert Dahl argued in 1990, the idea of a heavy mandate is often a “pseudo-concept.” It rarely functions as a practical tool for making laws. In reality, a leader’s power is not a blank cheque signed by the voters. It is a limited currency that must be spent within a complex web of rules and competing interests.
The American political theorist Richard Neustadt observed that a leader’s true power is not the power to command but the power to persuade other officials. A president or prime minister may have millions of admirers in the streets, but if the PM or president cannot persuade the bureaucracy, the legislature and the judiciary to cooperate, they usually struggle to achieve their goals. Neustadt maintained that actual change requires navigating institutional friction and laws. This is a reality that cannot be addressed by public applause alone.
From Barack Obama to Imran Khan, political history shows that mass appeal rarely translates into effective governance because public approval is a fragile asset, often neutralised by institutional constraints and perception gaps
The presidency of Barack Obama between 2009 and 2015 serves as a case in point regarding the tension between popularity and institutional power. When Obama assumed office, he carried an impressive mandate, having won the popular vote by a significant margin and holding a rare majority in the Senate alongside approval ratings of over 60 percent.
This reflected a level of power that many believed would allow him to bypass traditional political tussles. However, as the theories of Dahl and Neustadt suggested, public adoration did not translate into a frictionless path. Obama’s high approval ratings proved to be more of Dahl’s “pseudo-concept” than a practical tool for passing laws. Despite Obama’s fame, he faced deep institutional pushback that made passing key bills nearly impossible, rendering popularity rather useless in the face of lobbyists and the opposition.
According to the German political philosopher Jan-Werner Müller, political leaders often fall into the trap of claiming they alone represent the ‘real people’ because they are ‘popular’. This creates a democratic paradox, where popularity becomes a tool to bypass friction by delegitimising the opposition and state institutions.
This observation is reinforced by the fate of various 21st century populists. Despite enjoying an impassioned support base, Donald Trump saw major policy goals stalled by congressional gridlock and judicial blocks during his first term (2016-2020). He is again likely to face more of the same during his remaining second term, more so as he tries to wriggle his way out of the Iran war. Similarly, former UK prime minister Boris Johnson’s 2019 heavy mandate failed to prevent internal party revolts, proving that public applause cannot replace institutional cooperation. In Brazil, the populist Jair Bolsonaro was forced to make constant concessions to centrist and progressive legislative blocs, despite having a fervent support base among the electorate.
Then there is also the question of how one measures political popularity. It is a complex exercise. American political scientist John Zaller’s Receive-Accept-Sample (RAS) model suggests that voters do not hold fixed opinions but (during surveys) construct “preference statements” based on whichever political cues are most recently salient in the media.
This contributes to a “perception gap” within a polity. This term was first used in a 2019 study by academics S. Hawkins, Daniel Yudkin, M. Juan-Torres and Tim Dixon. A perception gap emerges when individuals are heavily influenced by media framing, leading to a distorted understanding of political reality. A leader’s standing can be manufactured by a narrative regardless of the broader factual reality. A politician seen as ‘one of us’ can maintain high support while failing to pass any significant laws.
The public often values the image of relatability over actual achievement. This is something that the current ‘hybrid regime’ in Pakistan is experiencing vis-a-vis its conflict with the party of former populist prime minister Imran Khan. The perception of Khan’s ‘widespread’ popularity is largely an outcome of a perception gap rather than a reflection of overall electoral dominance.
While his personal appeal is impressive, its scale is frequently exaggerated through the digital ‘echo chamber effect.’ As noted in the 2025 study ‘Echo Chambers on Social Media and its Role in Political Polarisation’, digital platforms produce a “reinforcement effect”, where users outrightly disregard information that does not fit their existing beliefs, no matter how authentic the information.
Khan’s identity was always, and continues to be, constructed through a populist lens that emphasises his role as a singular ‘saviour’, a process the Pakistani linguist Muqadas Fakhar describes as “employing a linguistic and rhetorical process to create polarised mass opinions that mask a more divided reality on the ground.”
In Pakistan, surveys have consistently shown a deeply polarised public rather than a monolithic support base. Just before the February 2024 elections, surveys by firms such as Institute for Public Opinion Research (IPOR) and Gallup Pakistan showed Khan’s national support hovering between 31 percent and 40 percent, with rivals such as Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) leading in key battlegrounds in Central Punjab and Sindh.
During the elections, while candidates backed by Khan’s party secured the most seats of any single group, they won approximately 31.17 per cent of the popular vote. Indeed, this represents a notable following, but it falls quite short of the ‘unanimous support’ often projected by Khan’s social media apparatus.
According to the French political scientist Christophe Jaffrelot, Khan’s rise between 2011 and 2018 was facilitated by “managed political conditions”, where institutional support helped marginalise traditional rivals. This suggests that his perceived ‘invincibility’ was a product of strategic engineering rather than a purely organic revolution.
After Khan lost power in 2022, claims of his ‘popularity’ continue to be exaggerated. This serves as a case study for Zaller’s RAS model, where a constant flow of partisan social, mainstream and print media cues leads to the belief of him commanding a ‘large mandate’ even from jail. But the perceptions in this regard ignore the structural friction and fractured electoral loyalties that still define Pakistan’s political terrain and reality.
Published in Dawn, EOS, April 12th, 2026
Magazines
ADVICE : AUNTIE AGNI – Newspaper
Dear Auntie,
I am 17. My eldest sister is in medical college and my other two siblings are in a cadet college. So, our educational expenditures are endless.
My father is 51 and only studied till high school. He used to run a family business and a factory, but he lost the factory in 2021 during Covid. Since then, he has not had a stable job or business. Instead, he saw an advertisement for a stockbroker on Facebook. He trusts Facebook blindly but refuses to trust anything I say, even though I do thorough research. I explained to him so many times that stock investing is not a reliable way to generate a steady monthly income and pleaded with him to start a side business for steady cash flow. He scolded me for “trying to teach him.”
Now, due to poor investments and global geopolitics, he has lost over three million rupees out of 12 million. Our only steady source of income right now is a small rental property. Our house is full of stress.
I have educated myself on financial management through books and have tried to share this knowledge with my parents. But because I am their son, they dismiss me as a “lowlife” with no authority to speak.
Whenever I find big scholarships or international opportunities (since my dream is to go abroad for my bachelor’s degree), they discourage me without doing any research. They dismiss these opportunities as “scams” or tell me that I am simply not good enough.
I cannot sit back and watch my dreams be sacrificed because of their ego.
The Sinking Sailor
Dear Sinking Sailor,
So, you cannot change your parents, but you also cannot completely dismiss them. I know you are frustrated and understandably so. Watching your father make risky decisions and refuse to listen to reason is painful. But you have to understand that your parents are not simply acting out of ignorance. Their actions are shaped by experience — losing a business and losing money can make anyone cling to decisions that feel within their control.
In Pakistan, our parents carry the weight of the family. When you try to correct your father, even with the best of intentions, he sees it as a challenge to that authority. So, while you cannot change him by arguing, you should also avoid falling into the trap of thinking that everything he says is wrong.
Your parents’ concerns about stability and scams are not completely baseless. It is just that they express them in ways that shut you down, because deep down they fear for your future.
You will need to change your approach. Stop trying to ‘teach’ your father. Instead, listen more and speak less. Frame things with respect. Try asking for his advice, involving him in your thinking and presenting your plans as something you want his guidance on.
Focus on your academics, research scholarships and prepare for tests, but remember that you don’t need to announce every step at home. When the time comes, bring them something concrete like an admission letter or a scholarship offer.
As for your father’s financial decisions, just step back unless he asks you for help. The household responsibilities are not yours to carry. So, for now, stay in your lane. Respect your parents while trying to understand where they are coming from. But don’t let their limitations become your limits.
You are not a sinking sailor.
Published in Dawn, EOS, April 12th, 2026
Magazines
MOTORSPORTS: LEARNING TO DRIFT
The first sensation is not speed, but defiance. Tires screech against asphalt, the car swings deliberately out of alignment and, for a suspended moment, it seems as if control has been abandoned. But inside the cockpit, control is absolute.
The wheel over-steers, the car reaches the extreme corner of the roads, but the angle, direction and line accuracy remain sharp.
This is drifting: the art of losing traction without losing authority.
Drifting is a fast-growing motorsport subdiscipline — and, like the broader sport, it remains heavily male-dominated. Women and girls represent around 10 percent of participation in motorsports across all levels, according to More Than Equal, an organisation co-founded by former Formula One (F1) driver David Coulthard to develop female F1 talent.
Dina Patel grew up watching her parents race across Pakistan’s desert terrain. Now 22, she has become the country’s first female ‘drifter’ — and she is only picking up speed
It is also an expensive sport, requiring investment and risk-taking — a privilege rarely available to girls and young women, in Pakistan or elsewhere. But it is changing, albeit slowly.
Dina Rohinton Patel, a 22-year-old from Karachi, typifies that change. She has already been crowned the country’s first female drifter in an event in Islamabad — even if it was at a makeshift circuit as part of a small festival, in a country with no dedicated racetracks.
RACING IN HER DNA
Dina inherited her love for motorsports. Her mother, Tushna Patel, is a lifelong racing enthusiast. In 2013, she became the first Pakistani woman to compete in the Jhal Magsi Desert Challenge, an off-road desert rally that is also Pakistan’s biggest motorsport event.
Tushna first started as navigator for her husband, Ronnie Patel, who is a well-known rally driver in Pakistan. Too passionate for the passenger seat, Tushna soon took control of the steering wheel, to tame wild tracks. The couple are regulars on the national rally and racing circuit, and have chalked up multiple victories.
As a child, Dina watched her parents taking to dusty, unpredictable terrains — tracks where victory depends less on brute speed and more on calculated restraint. She remembers one race vividly, in which her father clocked one of the fastest times of the day and won.
That moment did not merely inspire admiration; it planted a blueprint.
LIKE FATHER, LIKE DRIVER
Despite access to vehicles and tracks, Dina didn’t take her first steps into rally racing until she was 18, she tells Eos. Since then, though, she has taken part in multiple rallies, and has several victories and podium finishes in the women’s category to her credit.
She singles out her father for being her teacher and mentor in motorsports. “He’s taught me most of what I know in life, and a lot of who I am comes from him,” says Dina.
She also credits her parents for never placing any restrictions or limits on her due to her gender. In this, Tushna’s trailblazing also benefitted from a sure pathway.
Despite that, Dina is aware of the inherent gender imbalance in the sport. But she is also quick to point out that, with discipline and consistency, a racer can rapidly rise through the grades in motorsports — regardless of gender.
“If you can perform, you belong here. If you can’t, you don’t,” she asserts. “There are no two ways about it.”
THE ART OF THE SLIDE
Dina is keen to perform, and not just in off-road races. Her recent foray into drifting saw her take part in a local festival. “If rally racing is about maintaining grip, drifting is about abandoning it — deliberately,” explains Dina.
“It is controlled over-steer on purpose,” she continues. “Instead of trying to maximise grip, you intentionally break traction and keep the car sideways, while staying in control.”
To the uninitiated, drifting may appear to be theatrical driving, but its competitive structure is exacting. Drivers are judged on angle, line, speed and proximity to other vehicles during tandem runs. It is less a race against time and more a demonstration of mastery over instability.
“There were times I spent hours on the simulator just trying to do one doughnut [a driving manoeuvre characterised by an intentional and sustained over-steer action],” Dina says. “I had to rebuild muscle memory from scratch.”
This inversion of instinct posed Dina’s greatest challenge. Rally drivers are trained to correct slides immediately. Drifting requires the opposite: to sustain the slide without surrendering control.
NEGOTIATING THE RISK
To advance, she had to unlearn what had already made her successful. Motorsport is inherently dangerous. In drifting, the danger is intensified by proximity to other racers and loss of traction. A miscalculation of inches can result in catastrophic collisions.
Dina’s preparation reflects an acute awareness of these risks. Training begins long before getting inside a vehicle. Simulator sessions refine reflexes. Technical adjustments to suspension, tyre pressure and weight distribution alter how a car responds under stress. Practice runs build familiarity with how a vehicle behaves at the limits of traction. Risk is not eliminated — it is negotiated.
Mentally, the challenge is equally demanding; maintaining calm while operating at the threshold of chaos. “You know immediately if you delivered or not,” Dina says of drifting competitions. “There’s no delay in feedback.”
Failure, when it comes, is immediate and undeniable.
TALENT ISN’T THE PROBLEM
Dina’s focus is solely on delivering results and on continuing to make history. Being recognised as the country’s first female drifter is not just a personal ambition for her. It is also a stepping stone to being a role model and providing a pathway for other women with similar aspirations — just like the one paved by her mother for her.
She also wants sporting authorities to create a more friendly infrastructure and environment to facilitate women. By making motorsports physically accessible, safe and structured, says Dina, many beginners can take part without requiring “special connections.”
Dina adds that women in Pakistan are extremely talented. “But talent isn’t the problem. Access is.”
At the same time, motorsport is also expensive. Funding and sponsorships are pivotal in a sport that is already associated with the affluent. In Dina’s case, parents already invested in motorsports smoothed her journey. She has since attracted commercial sponsorships.
Dina is convinced that Pakistan can produce world-level motorsport talent. “For that, the government and sporting bodies will have to build a system that can back aspirants in licensing, coaching, equipment and competition travel.”
For now, Dina keeps returning to the simulator, to the practice runs, to the long hours of rebuilding instinct into something new. The circuit may be makeshift and the infrastructure thin, but the car is sideways, the angle is sharp, and the line — as ever — is hers to hold.
The writer is a member of staff
Published in Dawn, EOS, April 12th, 2026
Magazines
ARTSPEAK: UNRAVELLING THE FAIRY TALE – Newspaper
Rumpelstiltskin, a fairy tale by the Brothers Grimm, tells the story of a poor miller’s daughter, who was locked up each night to turn straw into gold until the king found her worthy of becoming his bride.
The only way she achieved this was with the help of a dubious character, Rumpelstiltskin, but this help came at a price: first for her necklace, then her ring and then the promise of her first-born child.
It is tempting to see the king as exploitative nations, the miller and his daughter as the exploited and enslaved, and Rumpelstiltskin as the international agencies that offer loans, forcing countries into the trap of eternal debt servicing.
The miller’s daughter escapes from her debt to Rumpelstiltskin by identifying his hidden name. The world, too, is finally exposing the well-guarded truths and the identities of hidden forces that have enslaved nations, largely by controlling the narrative.
The lofty edifices that filled the world with awe and wonder prove to be a mere facade, hiding a foetid world symbolised by the likes of Jeffery Epstein, the myth of European ‘enlightenment’ and liberalism. The world is experiencing an emotional paralysis. Everything we were led to believe about the leading institutions, systems and ethical values — entrusted to the best of the best — have fallen short of their promises and commitments.
As faith in global institutions erodes, must a new hegemon rise or is an alternative possible?
The pundits speculate about who will emerge to form the new dominant world order, with many assuming it will be China and Russia. But, perhaps, we are done with the need for a dominant world order.
Today, social scientists suggest that we are living in a global empire — interconnected, urbanised and with advanced technological systems. However, that only describes the perspective of the dominant developed world — about 20 percent of the world population. While an estimated 80 percent of the world has access to the internet, it only makes them acutely aware of what they do not have.
If we cast an eye back to a pre-Western world, we discover many alternative models. The West has dominated the world for only 300 of the 5,000 years of civilisations and empires stretching across the world, from China to Mesoamerica.
Empire has always been about power, but the philosophy of empire has varied. China’s emperors subscribed to tianxia, meaning “all under heaven” or “for all people”, a worldview prioritising harmony and global coexistence over conflict.
Ashoka, emperor of Magadha, intended that “the people of the unconquered territories beyond the borders might think: ‘What is the king’s intentions towards us?’ My only intention is that they live without fear of me, that they may trust me and that I may give them happiness, not sorrow.”
The Muslim empire under Umar, the second caliph of Islam, was focused on the welfare of all those in his realm. According to him, “Even if a dog dies hungry on the banks of the Euphrates, I fear that Allah will hold me accountable for it.”
However, empires also waged wars and succumbed to corruption. The famed Mauryan political advisor Chanakya/Kautilya, in his guide to rulers, the Arthashastra [The Science of Material Gain], prescribed policies to conquer enemies, expand territory and manage empire, often with war, assassinations and spying.
Civilisations, on the other hand, are not bound by the rise and fall of empires. They reflect the ideas and cultures of people. Civilisations share knowledge and culture naturally and, for the most part, this exchange is a peaceful process.
Trade has been the keystone of civilisational exchange. Today, trade is weaponised with tariffs and sanctions, a legacy of the one-way trade of colonialisation, which the Indian political leader Dadabhai Naoroji called the “Drain Theory.” Today, the US argues that what is in its own interest is also in the interest of the world.
Yet the maritime trade system of the Indian Ocean was once the world’s largest trading network — from 500 AD until the rise of Western European maritime dominance in 1800 AD. This was a self-regulating global economy, sustained by Persians, Arabs, Africans, Javanese, Jews, Indians and Chinese, without any one dominating the other. The sea was the common heritage of humankind. The right to trade was no one’s monopoly.
Given that political rhetoric today is a disguise for trade interests, perhaps the world needs to work once again towards a polycentric global order, where individual nations can thrive across the world.
Durriya Kazi is a Karachi-based artist.
She may be reached at durriyakazi1918@gmail.com
Published in Dawn, EOS, April 12th, 2026
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